The Iran War: Escalation and the Price of Disorder

10/03/2026
This conflict was not launched for oil. But oil will send the bill
Number: 373
Year: 2026
Author(s): Sophia Kalantzakos

This conflict was not launched for oil. But oil will send the bill. A commentary by Sopha Kalantzakos 

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When conflict erupts across the wider Middle East and the Gulf, the reflexive explanation is oil. Analysts quickly turn to the Strait of Hormuz, the vulnerability of energy infrastructure, and the risk that tankers, pipelines, and shipping lanes could become targets.  

 

The assumption is almost automatic: if war touches the Gulf, oil must be the cause. Underlying this reflex is an older geopolitical instinct, the belief that beneath every confrontation in the region lies the great game of energy. 

 

Yet this war did not begin over oil, and nobody invoked oil as its raison d’être

 

The initial justification centered on Iran’s nuclear program and the argument that preventing Tehran from acquiring a military nuclear capability required decisive action. 

 

Almost immediately, however, the narrative widened. Preventing Iran from acquiring a nuclear weapon soon turned into rhetoric about regime change and broader claims that lasting security required reshaping the region. 

 

Each explanation gained traction somewhere. Each was offered as justification for escalation. The movement between rationales was sometimes presented as improvisation, yet ambiguity can also be cultivated, allowing power to move while explanations catch up. 

 

Iran has long occupied the position of structural challenger to the American-led regional order.  

 

Since 1979 it has defined itself in opposition to U.S. primacy and to Israel’s security architecture, projecting influence through regional alliances and insisting on strategic autonomy in ways that repeatedly placed it at odds with Washington.  

 

It maintained an authoritarian system at home while asserting agency abroad. In the eyes of Western policymakers, it checked nearly every box of a rival state unwilling to align with the prevailing order. 

 

But once military escalation begins, the consequences rarely remain confined to the original rationale. 

 

Oil entered the story later, not as the motive for war but as the messenger of its consequences.  

 

As strikes intensified and the risk of disruption around the Strait of Hormuz grew, markets reacted: prices climbed, insurance recalibrated and shipping routes tightened.  

 

In a global economy still anchored in the uninterrupted movement of energy and goods, military escalation in the Gulf quickly translates into geoeconomic shock. 

 

And that shock extends far beyond the battlefield. 

 

For Gulf societies geographically close to regional turbulence yet buffered from its direct force, the distance between conflict and everyday life narrowed. In multinational communities where citizens and residents from across the world share the same economic and physical space, instability now ripples through daily life. 

 

And yet, the response of countries in the region continues to carry a markedly calm and professional register. In contrast to the bombastic rhetoric heard elsewhere, the measured delivery has conveyed seriousness and planning. Strength and resolve have been expressed through restraint. 

 

What is at stake for Europe 

For Europe, the challenge is sharper still. One crisis follows another: financial shocks, migration pressures, war on its eastern flank, and now renewed instability to its south. Each episode tests whether the Union possesses a coherent narrative about its role in the world. 

 

Recent remarks by European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen suggesting that Europe can no longer rely on the rules-based system underscore the enormity of the challenge.  

 

It acknowledges that the order Europe helped construct is no longer functioning. But the uncomfortable truth is why this is so and then openly admitting that it is because its closest partner the United States is torpedoing it.  

 

Europe must now decide how to respond: retreat inward to salvage what it can or turn bold and help reshape a new order that reduces conflict and risk. More importantly who will be its partners of choice. 

 

Still, for the time being, immediate concern seems to be economic. European governments are already scrambling to buffer households and industry from another surge in energy prices. Yet doing so without directly challenging Washington presents a delicate balancing act.  

 

The United States frames higher oil prices as a tolerable cost of confronting Iran. President Donald Trump recently described a $100 barrel of oil as a “small price to pay.” For European economies still grappling with inflation, slow growth, and markedly higher energy prices at the pump, the calculation looks very different. 

 

Across Asia, similar calculations are unfolding. The region is far more exposed to disruptions in Gulf energy flows than the United States, yet its political responses remain cautious.  

 

China has condemned escalation and offered mediation while quietly securing supply routes and evacuating citizens.  

 

India speaks of strategic autonomy while protecting its ties with Washington, Tehran, and the Gulf states simultaneously. Southeast Asian governments focus on economic stability and the safety of millions of migrant workers in the region.  

 

Collectively these economies possess enormous geoeconomic weight as the primary consumers of Gulf energy and the central nodes of global trade.  

 

The question is whether that economic leverage will eventually translate into political pressure aimed at stabilizing the maritime corridors on which their growth depends. More importantly, which country in the region might lead this charge. 

 

For quite some time global conversation has revolved around technological competition, artificial intelligence, and the race to control the industries of the future. Yet the current crisis is a reminder that the foundation of the global economy remains far more physical: the unobstructed transport of energy and goods across a fragile network of maritime corridors.  

 

Defending this maritime openness had been the chosen mission of the United States and a key reason for its solid global alliances. Recent events show that this is no longer the mission. Once again physical supply chains become the protagonists in a world of hypercompetition and disorder.  

 

When that system is disrupted, the costs travel quickly and widely. 

 

This war was not launched for oil.  But oil will send the bill. 

IEP@BU does not express opinions of its own. The opinions expressed in this publication are those of the authors. Any errors or omissions are the responsibility of the authors.

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